US has no desire for a major war with Iran
TEHRAN - Hamshahri explored the MAGA (Make America Great Again) campaign and the views of its supporters.
It wrote: Among those involved in the MAGA movement, the majority support Trump’s policies toward Iran and his unconditional backing for the Zionist government, believing that Iran’s actions pose a threat to democratic governance. However, within the campaign, some individuals argue that Israel is strong enough on its own and, if it chooses to go to war with Iran, there is no reason for the U.S. to bear the financial burden. In reality, this second group is relatively small. This is precisely why Trump does not hesitate to openly assume responsibility for potential military action against Iran. Nonetheless, Trump has no interest in initiating a large-scale war with Iran. It is also worth noting that the notion of regime change in Iran is deeply unpopular among Americans and lacks significant support.
Kayhan: Iran’s Eastern Shift Weakens Western Influence
In an article, Kayhan addressed Iran’s response to Western pressure. The paper said: Western pressure has pushed Tehran to a point where its political, security, and economic ties with Beijing now appear nearly ‘irreversible’. This marks a turning point where U.S. sanctions have strayed from their original purpose and begun to give rise to a new global order. The diplomatic deadlock between Iran and the United States has accelerated this shift. Tehran, without firm guarantees, is unwilling to return to the negotiating table, and Washington is not willing to offer a trustworthy path for dialogue. This vacuum is precisely where China and Russia step in as strategic partners. The long-term cost for the West is significant: Iran has distanced itself from engagement with Europe and the U.S. and entered a non-liberal order. This indicates that sanctions have failed to alter Iran’s behavior. What’s particularly noteworthy is that Western policymakers, despite the failure of the sanctions strategy, continue to cling to the model of “sanctions as both the first and last resort.” This approach is far from cost-free and carries a heavy strategic burden. The more Iran aligns itself with the East, the less influence the U.S. and Europe have over Tehran’s decisions. From a balance-of-power perspective, this represents a strategic retreat.
Sobh-e-No: The strategy of active neighborhood diplomacy
Sobh-e-No analyzed the significance of Parliament Speaker Mohammad Baggher Ghalibaf’s visit to Pakistan, interpreting it within the framework of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s “active neighborhood” strategy; a policy aimed at reducing the impact of sanctions through regional connectivity, strengthening the resistance front, and leveraging the capacities of Muslim countries for economic and technological cooperation. Given Pakistan’s close ties with China, the Tehran–Islamabad dialogue could evolve into a platform for trilateral cooperation among Iran, Pakistan, and China. Ghalibaf’s visit was not merely a parliamentary mission, but a test of new collaborative potential at a time when Iran, following its victory in the 12-day war and the consolidation of its deterrence posture, seeks to deepen relations with aligned nations. If the agreements reached during this visit are implemented, they could elevate Tehran–Islamabad economic relations from their current state to a strategic level. The visit represented a fusion of resistance diplomacy, regional economics, and cultural engagement; a trip that went beyond protocol and carried a clear message: Iran is pursuing a new regional order based on cooperation among Muslim nations, and Pakistan, as a friend in difficult times, is poised to be a key link in this emerging framework.
Resalat: Recognizing the value of Iran’s geopolitical position
In a recent article, Resalat emphasized Iran’s exceptional geographic position in the region. With its unique location connecting Central Asia, the Caucasus, Russia, the Persian Gulf, and the Indian subcontinent, the Islamic Republic of Iran holds the potential to become a central hub in global transit. This potential, embodied in the North–South corridors, is not merely a construction or transit project; it is part of Iran’s broader economic strategy. These corridors serve as vital links between Iran and the region’s emerging economies, offering unprecedented opportunities to expand trade relations with neighboring and aligned countries. Activating these transit routes can provide an effective means of bypassing obstacles and enhancing the resilience of the national economy. To achieve its rightful place in regional and global economic systems, Iran must make smarter use of its geographic advantages. A strategic utilization of the North–South corridors will yield tangible economic benefits and reflect the country’s geo-economic assets in service of sustainable growth. A comprehensive approach to transportation development, infrastructure modernization, and strategic planning to enhance Iran’s role in international trade is not just an economic necessity; it is a step toward national empowerment and the realization of lasting independence.
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