Lebanon’s governance in crisis
Lebanon’s political system is so hollowed out that even a fictitious foreign prince can dictate governance
BEIRUT—Imagine a country where a fictitious foreign prince, armed only with a phone and a fabricated authority, can dictate political appointments, unlock frozen bank accounts, and influence judicial decisions—all without leaving his home.
For most of the world, this sounds impossible. In Lebanon, it happened!
The so-called Saudi prince “Abu Omar” exploited a political system so hollowed out that it allowed an impostor to act as a de facto ruler, exposing the fragility of state institutions and the erosion of sovereignty.
The Abu Omar scandal revealed that the problem was never the con artist alone, but a system stripped of immunity. Lebanese officials, bankers, judges, and politicians responded not with verification or resistance, but with unquestioned obedience, eager to receive “royal orders.”
A single impostor influenced the naming of a prime minister, intervened in judicial files, unlocked frozen bank deposits, manipulated public tenders, and intimidated senior officials—all while claiming to be a personal envoy of Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.
Authority vacuum extends beyond Abu Omar. It allows foreign interference to penetrate daily governance, leaving successive Lebanese governments unable to assert sovereignty.
The current administration has inherited this same systemic weakness, silenced by appeals to “regional conditions” and “international balances,” incapable of blocking external meddling or exposing its magnitude.
Lebanon’s vulnerability is so pronounced that even distant crises resonate domestically. When Washington targeted Venezuela and detained President Nicolás Maduro, Lebanese political factions immediately absorbed the shockwaves.
Supporters and opponents of Hezbollah projected the Venezuelan conflict onto local alignments, turning social media into battlefields for imported rivalries.
For some anti-Hezbollah actors, Maduro’s arrest symbolized a blow to the “resistance axis,” reinforcing their perception that Washington could reshape Lebanese political calculations.
Ultimately, the Abu Omar scandal and Lebanon’s reaction to distant events like Venezuela illustrate a single, painful truth: Lebanese decision-making is hostage to external pressures, and its leaders often administer the vacuum.
As long as sovereignty remains nominal, foreign interference will continue—merely changing faces, never methods.
Lebanon’s crisis is not just about fraudulent princes or international incidents; it is the product of a political class content to be managed rather than to lead, resulting in a state where independence is more a performance than a reality.
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