Continuity and change in Iran’s strategic culture
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MADRID - In a column published this Saturday in the Tehran Times titled "My Message to the New World," Massoud Pezeshkian, the newly elected President of Iran, outlined his main points on foreign policy.
The newly elected president began his column by acknowledging the political stability of the Islamic Republic, citing the recent elections as an example of this stability, which he described as "competitive, peaceful, and orderly." Pezeshkian then emphasized the need to foster consensus both nationally and internationally to fulfill the promises made during the electoral campaign.
The president-elect also discussed maintaining the dignity of the Islamic Republic and the influence of its foreign policy throughout his term. In this regard, it is noteworthy that Iran's strategic culture — encompassing shared beliefs, assumptions, and modes of behavior derived from common experiences and accepted narratives that shape collective identity and relations with other groups, thereby determining appropriate goals and means to achieve security objectives — is not determined by any one government but is integral to the non-negotiable principles upon which the country is built.
In general terms, two principles directly related to Islamic identity can be highlighted as foundational, with the rest built upon them:
1. Achieving unity within Islam through the known "Ummatic mandate." This involves adhering to the idea of Imam Khomeini, the founder of the Islamic Republic, and seeking reconciliation between Sunni and Shia. In essence, it assumes Islam as a common language enabling Muslims to interact and debate within the boundaries of this language. Technically, this unity within Islam is known as the "post-Mazhabi vision" (mazhab or madhhab meaning legal school in Arabic).
2. Building a just society: This is an ethical-political aspiration serving as an ever-present yet never fully attainable horizon. This horizon compels Muslims to tirelessly combat oppression in its various forms and manifestations.
Thus, it can be said that the focal point around which the entire Iranian discourse is articulated is "Islamic, revolutionary, and anti-Western identity." From this point, one can comprehend all aspects of Iran's foreign and defensive policies. This pivotal point integrates several signifiers such as independence, resistance, Islamic unity, and responsibility towards the Ummah to shape the Islamic discourse and simultaneously differentiate it from others.
One unique principle in Iranian foreign policy is its responsibility towards the Muslim world. This transnational responsibility views Iranian actions beyond its borders as an "ideological duty." Within this framework lies the anti-Zionist policy and support for Islamic resistance movements in the region, known as the "Axis of Resistance." In this context, the President committed in the column to urging neighboring Arab countries to "collaborate and utilize all political and diplomatic influences to prioritize achieving a permanent ceasefire in Gaza aimed at halting the massacre and preventing escalation of the conflict."
Iran's regional policy cannot be understood solely through instrumental rationality and cost-benefit logic without considering the logic of responsibility based on political Islam. Another principle underpinning Iran's strategic culture is its anti-hegemonic vocation and will of resistance. Grounded in the idea that Islam should prevail and not be dominated by others, the Islamic Republic understands it cannot be influenced by other countries when designing and implementing its foreign policy. This anti-imperialist identity is rooted in Iran's history and the numerous attempts by Western powers to control the country.
To achieve its counter-hegemonic goal, Iran seeks intentional cooperation, coalitions, and alliances among anti-hegemonic forces at individual, state, and non-governmental levels. To this end, Iran has extended efforts to forge fronts against imperialism in the Third World, the Islamic world, and the Asian continent. In line with its "anti-hegemonic" and "resistance" discourses, Iran implements two main strategies: the "Look to the East" policy and South-South alliances.
Another essential principle in understanding Iran's strategic culture is discernment. This principle became crucial in Iranian foreign policy since the second decade of the Islamic Revolution. Based on Shia political jurisprudence, it seeks to combine anti-arrogance and anti-hegemonic vision with prudence in foreign policy. In fact, the principle of discernment elevates the survival of the Islamic Republic to a supreme value. Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has avoided serious involvement in international disputes and conflicts to preserve its survival and vital interests. In this sense, there are several cases showing that Iran has adopted a pragmatic and opportunity-oriented approach to reduce risks and costs in its foreign policy. The doctrine of discernment is also known as the doctrine of strategic patience.
Following the events of April 1st, when Israel attacked Iran's consulate in Damascus, and the subsequent response by the Islamic Republic framed within "Operation True Promise," Iranian authorities have entered a new strategic phase known as active deterrence (or offensive defense), wherein any Israeli action will be directly responded to by Iran.
Two other fundamental principles within Iran's strategic culture are self-sufficiency and independence. Since the Iranian Revolution, the pursuit of indigenous capabilities, technology, and knowledge, especially regarding the nuclear fuel cycle, has become a matter of national pride. In this way, Iran aims to eliminate its dependence on foreign powers. Iran's Supreme Leader argues that there is a causal relationship between scientific advancement, self-sufficiency, and independence. Ayatollah Khamenei maintains that U.S. and European sanctions against Iran are not only ineffective in changing Iran's foreign policy but are actually constructive because they compel Iran to become more self-sufficient.
The defense of these principles is not subject to the will of any specific government, whether reformist or principalist. They are necessary principles for the political existence of the Islamic Republic itself. However, this does not imply that there is no ample room within which these same objectives can be achieved, even though there may not always be agreement on how to achieve them.
Specifically, President-elect Pezeshkian addressed in his opinion column the priority of strengthening relations with neighboring countries. "We will defend the establishment of a 'strong region' rather than one where a single country seeks hegemony and dominance over others," he pointed out. "I firmly believe that neighboring and brotherly nations should not squander their valuable resources on erosive competitions, arms races, or unjustified containment among themselves," he added.
This political vision shares objectives with the "good neighborliness" policy implemented by the late President Raisi's government, which also prioritized friendly relations among neighboring countries. It is worth noting that in their first meeting, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei advised President-elect Pezeshkian to continue President Raisi's political legacy.
Furthermore, from a pragmatic standpoint, a policy based on horizontal relations, free from oppressions and pressures, would facilitate the construction of an autonomous region where the military presence of Western countries, mainly the United States, would have no justification.
In this regard, there appears to be continuity between the "good neighborliness" policy and Pezeshkian's policy of "leveraging our normative influence to play a crucial role in the emerging multipolar global order by promoting peace, creating a conducive environment for sustainable development, fostering dialogue, and dispelling Islamophobia."
Another priority highlighted by the president-elect was bilateral relations between Iran, China, and Russia. Pezeshkian emphasized China's pivotal role in facilitating the normalization of relations with Saudi Arabia, "demonstrating its constructive vision and forward-looking approach in international affairs."
Regarding Russia, he expressed confidence that his administration will continue to expand and enhance relations. He also addressed the need to find a diplomatic solution to the current situation in Ukraine. "We advocate for peace for the people of Russia and Ukraine, and my government will be prepared to actively support initiatives aimed at achieving this goal," the president noted.
Finally, the column focused on relations with the West, specifically with the EU and the United States. This was an electoral commitment of the new president: "to engage in constructive dialogue with European countries to steer our relations in the right direction, based on principles of mutual respect and equality." Pezeshkian acknowledged that Iran's relationship with the EU has experienced numerous "ups and downs," but despite this, the new government aims to improve relations.
Regarding the United States, President-elect Pezeshkian stated that Iran will not yield to external pressure and criticized the U.S. unilateral withdrawal from the JCPOA in 2018, accusing it of inflicting serious economic and humanitarian damage on the Iranian people. He further emphasized that Iran's defense doctrine excludes nuclear weapons and called on the U.S. to learn from its past mistakes and adjust its policy towards Iran. He also criticized the U.S. and its Western allies for undermining the Non-Proliferation Treaty and manipulating the crisis surrounding Iran's nuclear program while supporting Israel's nuclear weapons. Pezeshkian urged Washington to recognize that the strategy of dividing countries in the region has not succeeded and will not in the future, advocating for an approach that avoids escalating current tensions.
It is important to note that the president-elect does not have the authority to initiate talks with the West, as this falls under the jurisdiction of the Leader. However, as mentioned in previous articles, the president can influence decisions of the Supreme National Security Council (SNSC). For instance, he can exert influence through the appointment of specific ministers and experts, as well as presenting dossiers for discussion in appropriate bodies like the SNSC. Additionally, he has the prerogative to lead negotiations between Iran and other international actors.
In conclusion, there are fundamental and non-negotiable principles that give the Islamic Republic its distinctive political character. These principles structure the program of the president-elect in terms of foreign policy. It can be asserted that Iranian strategic culture is based on various discourses centered around Islam as a focal point, shaping the identity of the Islamic Republic and determining not only how Iran behaves politically, but also who is considered friend and foe.
President Pezeshkian's column expresses respect for these discursive frameworks and the fundamental principles of the Islamic Republic, without implying a renunciation of his electoral program, which must be consensus-based with the rest of the state institutions.
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