According to the most recent edition of the Encyclopedia of Terror Victims in Iran, the country has endured over 23,000 casualties due to terrorism and counterterrorism efforts since the Islamic Revolution. This significant toll places Iran among the world's largest victims of terrorism, alongside Pakistan.

In recent years, one of Iran's most pressing security challenges has been the alarming increase in terrorist activities in its southeastern region, particularly in Sistan and Baluchestan province. Statistics further reveal that, within the past year, terrorist attacks in this area surged by 115%, and casualties have skyrocketed by 200% compared to the previous year. Notably, 68% of all terrorist operations in Iran during the past year have taken place in this province.

In light of these escalating threats, and on the occasion of the International Day for the Prevention of Violent Extremism as it Relates to Terrorism, the Tehran Times conducted an insightful interview with Muhammad Murtaza, a leading expert on regional connectivity, security, and violent extremism, as well as a Project Manager at the Pakistan Institute for Peace Studies. 

Given the shared border and common security challenges between Iran and Pakistan, the interview explored the current state of terrorism in the region and examined potential strategies for effectively countering this pervasive threat.

Below is the full text of the interview:

1. Considering that Pakistan, like Iran, faces the challenge of terrorism, could you provide an overview of the current state of terrorism in Pakistan? Specifically, what are the latest trends in terrorist activities, the number of attacks and casualties, and the most active terrorist groups operating in the country?

Since Pakistan has been a core partner in the Global War on Terrorism, it has paid a heavy price in terms of losses to combat the emerging threats of terrorism. The security situation in Pakistan has deteriorated significantly since the Taliban took control of Afghanistan, resulting in a sharp increase in terrorist activities and enhanced cooperation between various terrorist groups. 

Currently, the most active terrorist groups operating in Pakistan are Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA), the Balochistan Liberation Front (BLF), and a few new emerging groups. A shift in tactics is evident, with attacks evolving from hit-and-run operations to more targeted ones. In 2024, 95% of terrorist attacks occurred in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, with TTP and its allies being the primary perpetrators. These attacks resulted in 852 fatalities and 1,092 casualties, reflecting a 23% increase compared to 2023. Meanwhile, BLA remains the most active group in Balochistan. 

A concerning trend is the rise in suicide attacks carried out by the BLA, indicating increased operational collaboration between TTP and BLA. Despite the launch of significant counter-terrorism operations, such as Zarb-e-Azb in 2014 and Rad-ul-Fasad in 2017, the frequency of attacks continues to rise since August 2021.

In terms of regional activity, BLA along with other BRAS members, remains leading in terrorist activities in Baluchistan, while TTP conducts terrorist activities in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Given the escalating threat, in June 2024, Pakistan launched a new operation, “Azm-e-Istehkam,” signaling that there is no room for dialogue with terrorist organizations like TTP and others, but to silence the barrels through kinetic means.

In Iran, there are terrorist groups like Jaish al-Adl, Jaish al-Nasr, and Jamaat Ansar. 

2. How do these terrorist groups finance their operations, and to what extent do these financial resources enable them to sustain their activities? Is there evidence of external support? If so, which countries or entities are believed to be providing assistance?

Terrorist groups operating in the region appear to receive foreign support, though establishing a direct link to specific sources is a challenging task due to the multi-layered nature of their funding. Tracing the origin of money is particularly difficult because these groups often use a variety of methods to finance their operations. 

Established businesses and charities, often linked to diaspora communities, sometimes funnel funds through remittances. Additionally, the rise of virtual currencies has further complicated the trace of financial resources. Nevertheless, law enforcement agencies have successfully dismantled several funding networks. According to experts, these terrorist groups rely on multiple sources of income, including charities, hawala (informal money transfer systems), extortion, kidnapping, and ransom payments. A significant factor in sustaining these activities is the criminal-terrorist nexus, where there is a quid pro quo relationship between criminal networks and terrorist groups. This

3. What do you see as the key obstacles preventing closer Iran-Pakistan cooperation in combating border terrorism? Do differences in security priorities—such as Pakistan’s focus on groups like TTP or ISIS-Khorasan—hinder joint counterterrorism efforts?

Pakistan is facing a growing internal threat mainly from TTP and BRAS, and is focused on eradicating this emerging threat mainly emanating from Afghanistan since the Taliban takeover. At the same time, coordination does exist between Pakistan and Iran. However, identifying common threats with clarity and increasing intelligence sharing is necessary to mitigate the threat of terrorism in the region and beyond.

4. As you may be aware, Iran and Pakistan signed a security agreement in 2014 that included provisions for counterterrorism cooperation. Nearly a decade later, how would you assess the effectiveness of this agreement?

These international agreements set the tone for the two countries' foreign policies and supported diplomacy. However, agreements alone are not enough unless they are adopted and executed in practice. In January of last year, we witnessed an unprecedented series of kinetic actions by Iran and Pakistan on each other’s territory, signaling two important things:

Firstly, both countries had knowledge of the hostile elements operating across their shared border. Secondly, if one country fails to act against terrorists, the other might feel justified in targeting them independently. This sequence of events led to public unrest in Pakistan, as it was perceived that Pakistan’s sovereignty had been compromised.

On the other hand, border agreements concerning local trade and energy sharing have fostered cooperation between the two countries, allowing them to mutually benefit in a positive manner.

5. How do you evaluate the role of extra-regional actors—such as the United States, Saudi Arabia, or India—in either exacerbating or alleviating security tensions along the Iran-Pakistan border? 

Foreign policy is a national issue for every country, but at times, it can be influenced by other nations, prompting countries to reorient their foreign policies based on national interests. Pakistan has experienced various versions and approaches in its relations with Iran. However, a more inclusive regional approach is needed for moving forward. The roles of regional actors have significantly shaped Pak-Iran relations. 

Pakistan maintains strong diplomatic relations with both Riyadh and Washington, while Iran has closer ties with Delhi. These affiliations influence the course of relations between the two countries. For example, Pakistan’s economic instability at times acts as a handicap, which is supported by Riyadh and Washington. On the other hand, U.S. sanctions on Iran have directly impacted projects like the Iran-Pakistan Gas Pipeline. Furthermore, Pakistan has repeatedly informed Iranian authorities about Indian involvement on the Iranian side of the border. 

These irritants affect foreign policy objectives, such as fostering peaceful coexistence with neighboring countries. The seeds of the Afghan Jihad also remain relevant, leaving a bruise that has yet to heal. The funding from extra-regional actors, such as Saudi Arabia and the United States, for madrassas and jihadist activities, primarily concentrated along Pakistan’s western border, helped to create a rigid socio-political structure and its footprints are evident.
The best approach is to learn from the past, avoid repeating mistakes, and adopt a policy that includes regional actors, which could help build a more constructive and collaborative region.

6. Following the recent visit of Iranian military officials to Pakistan, what forms of bilateral cooperation—whether political, security, economic, or cultural—could contribute to mitigating and ultimately eliminating terrorist activities in the region? Do you have any specific proposals in this regard?

It is too early to say what exact impact it would have in the long run as in the past, there were multiple examples indicating that relation between Pakistan and Iran has never touched the high node, despite visits of high officials.

In my opinion, both countries need to work more closely on confidence-building measures that would ultimately resolve any environment of distrust. Thus, increasing cooperation in fields is beneficial for both neighbors. 

The expressed views are those of the interviewee and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Tehran Times