MADRID – During a recent meeting, Leader of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei took the opportunity to clearly and firmly articulate his stance on potential talks with the United States. 

The Leader ruled out such talks by essence, recalling Washington’s past shunning of its commitments and the inefficacy of bilateral negotiations. “Negotiations with the United States do not solve any problems, including economic and subsistence challenges, just as they did not resolve them in the past,” he stated. According to Ayatollah Khamenei, the key to overcoming the country's difficulties lies not in dialogue with Washington, but in “the determination of committed officials and the cooperation of a united people.”

The reference to negotiations was no coincidence. In recent months, the internal debate over the possibility of resuming direct talks with the United States seemed to have gained momentum within certain Iranian political sectors. However, Ayatollah Khamenei was unequivocal on the matter. He stated that those advocating for this option are attempting to present talks with the fickle Americans as an inevitable solution. “The focus of these discussions is on negotiations with the United States, presenting them as something positive, as if anyone were against the idea of negotiating itself,” he pointed out. He further clarified that Iran engages in dialogues and agreements with numerous countries, except the United States and, explicitly, Israel.

Ayatollah Khamenei's speech made it clear that, for the Iranian authorities, re-engaging with Washington is not only unnecessary but counterproductive. “Some try to make people believe that if we sit at the negotiation table, certain problems will be resolved. However, the reality we must understand is that negotiations with the United States have no impact on solving the country’s problems,” he reiterated. Nevertheless, his words suggest a rejection that, at least for now, closes the door to any attempt at direct dialogue in the short term.

The Leader concluded his remarks by referring to one of the most significant episodes in the recent history of relations between the two countries: the breakdown of the 2015 nuclear deal, known by its English acronym JCPOA. He not only pointed out the Trump administration’s unilaterally withdrawal from the agreement in 2018, but also held President Barack Obama’s administration accountable for failing to uphold the very commitments he had agreed to. “Before Trump, the previous U.S. government, which had accepted the agreement, also did not comply. The U.S. sanctions, which were supposed to be lifted, were not removed, and the issue at the UN remained as a thorn, always present as a threat over Iran,” he denounced.

Washington’s long history of deceit and dishonesty

Ayatollah Khamenei’s words reflect the deeply rooted mistrust towards the United States in his country—a mistrust that is not irrational, but rather grounded in a history of broken promises and hostile attitudes from Washington. 

To understand this mistrust, it is necessary, on one hand, to look back at Iran’s contemporary history and analyze the relationship of subordination that the Pahlavi regime maintained with the United States. On the other hand, it is crucial to examine the ideas of the founder of the Islamic Republic, Imam Khomeini. His speeches and writings throughout the different stages of his struggle show how, in his view, the revitalization of Islam could reduce the influence of colonial powers and foreign interventions in Iran—an ongoing reality since the 19th century, when the country was governed by the Qajar monarchy.

The relationship of subordination between Pahlavi-era Iran, particularly under Shah Mohammad Reza, and the United States explains that the 1979 Islamic Revolution should be understood from an epistemic perspective. This implies that its objective was not merely to overthrow the monarchy, but to replace the hegemonic political grammar of the West.

In this historical context, the 1953 coup stands as a key milestone. On August 19 of that year, Iranian Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh was ousted in a coup organized and financed by the British and U.S. governments. The Shah quickly returned from exile to regain power and, as a result, ceded more than forty percent of Iran’s oil fields to U.S. companies. From that moment on, the growing economic presence and military ties with the United States fueled resentment among the Iranian population, especially with decisions like the approval in 1964 of a law in the Majles (parliament) granting diplomatic immunity to U.S. military personnel and their families. This law sparked strong indignation, culminating in Imam Khomeini’s famous protest speech in Qom, marking a turning point in his confrontation with the Pahlavi regime.

Iranian identity is firmly rooted in an anti-imperialist vision that, as mentioned, traces its origins to the numerous attempts by Western powers to control the country. In this regard, the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran leaves no room for debate on foreign interference: “Any form of agreement that results in foreign control over the country’s natural resources, economy, military, or culture, as well as other aspects of national life, is prohibited.”

Another pivotal episode in the relationship between Iran and the United States was the 1979-1981 seizure of the U.S. Embassy in Tehran, an event that, according to many experts, represented a moment of national humiliation whose imprint persists in the U.S. psyche and continues to influence the analysis of bilateral relations. From the Iranian perspective, the embassy takeover can be explained by the aforementioned history of the Pahlavi dynasty’s subordination to the United States and the perception that the U.S. posed a threat to the newly established Islamic Republic.

Over the years, other episodes have consolidated the image of the United States as an unreliable actor, whose primary goal has been to promote “regime change” in Iran. U.S. support for Iraq during the Iran-Iraq War in the 1980s, the numerous economic sanctions imposed on the country, and Iran’s inclusion in the so-called “Axis of Evil” during George W. Bush’s presidency are examples of this political will. These actions not only reflect an interference in Iran's internal affairs, but also an active effort to promote alternative political models that would replace the current configuration of the Islamic Republic.

Nevertheless, this mistrust towards the United States softened in 2015, when Iran signed the nuclear deal, demonstrating Tehran’s willingness to negotiate. However, the unilateral withdrawal of Washington from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2018 reaffirmed, from the Iranian perspective, that the United States is not a reliable actor in international politics and bilateral agreements.

The assassination of Lieutenant General Qassem Soleimani, the highly venerated commander of the Quds Force of the Islamic Revolution Guard Corps, at the hands of the United States in 2020 during the Trump administration, remains deeply ingrained in the collective memory of Iranians, particularly among the political authorities responsible for deciding on potential negotiations with Washington.

The words of the Iranian Leader bring to light this historical experience of interference and the lack of goodwill on the part of the United States, making it extremely difficult, for the time being, for the Islamic Republic to trust the results of any bilateral negotiations.

The fact that Donald Trump signed an anti-Iran Presidential Memorandum, imposed new sanctions, and threatened to “obliterate” Iran as soon as he was back in office this year shows he is still not ready to take steps towards gaining Tehran’s trust. As long as Washington relies solely on threats and economic pressure, Iran is unlikely to be willing to sit at the negotiating table, let alone make any concessions.