TEHRAN- Recent student protests at universities across the United States have ignited a contentious debate over the motivations behind the demonstrations and the allegations of antisemitism. 

In an exclusive interview with the Tehran Times, Martin Puchner, a literary critic and philosopher, delves into the complexities of these protests, examining the diverse backgrounds and beliefs of the participants, the role of university administrators, and the potential impact of these movements on academic freedom and U.S. foreign policy in West Asia. 

Martin Puchner holds the Byron and Anita Wien Chair in drama and English and comparative literature at Harvard University.

The interview’s text is as follows:

Recent student protests at universities across the U.S. have sparked debate, with some administrators claiming they are driven by antisemitism. What is your perspective on these allegations and the motivations behind the protests?

As with all protest movements, people gather from different places. Some protesters have gravitated to the Palestinian cause from other protest movements, such as Black Lives Matter. There are also a significant number of Jewish students who want to dissociate themselves from the conduct of Israel (the Harvard encampment celebrated a Jewish seder, for example). Yet another group considers the Palestinian cause as part of a larger anti-colonial struggle. As for anti-Semitism, there is a very public controversy about its definition, so let me answer in a very personal way, as someone who has written a book about anti-Semitism (The Language of Thieves) that deals in part with the anti-Semitism of my own (German) grandfather, who was a member of the Nazi party, the storm troopers, and who published anti-Semitic tracts. Based on this family history, I am sensitive to anti-Semitism. I do not think that a critique of Israel is automatically anti-Semitic, I do think that some protesters veered into anti-Semitism. What worries me is that these pockets of anti-Semitism are mostly tolerated within the protest movement. Some of this is due to a lack of historical knowledge and I think it’s important to teach the history of anti-Semitism. At the same time, I also think American students need to learn more about the history of West Africa and the Middle East. I myself have traveled to Iraq, Beirut, and the West Bank as well as to the UAE and Oman (sadly, I have not been to Iran, but would very much like to go!), and those travels, and my engagement with figures such as Ibn Sina and texts such as the 1001 Nights, have been incredibly important for me, and I do my best to teach American students about that history.

How do you evaluate the authorities' response to student protests at American universities? Do you believe the use of force has been justified and proportionate to the situation?

 I was very glad that at Harvard the encampment was dissolved peacefully at the end of the semester. The images from Columbia University, where I taught for twelve years, were horrible. I definitely think that student protests should be protected by free speech. One problem is that in the past universities had been very selective in their commitment to free speech, for example by not encouraging more vigorous debates about other social protest movements such as Black Lives Matter. 

As for proportionality, I think there were many different situations. I do believe that universities have a right, even a duty, to determine reasonable procedures for protests. Some protesters deliberately violated such rules, including by occupying buildings, in part to attract more attention. It’s o.k. to do that, there is a long history of civil disobedience, but they should then accept that they will get arrested. But ideally, protesters in the future will stick to those rules, and universities will in turn honor their right to free speech. It’s important to allow protests, but it’s also important to find the right form for it.

 How might the reaction of university administrators to student protests influence the academic environment in the United States? What potential consequences could arise for academic freedom and open dialogue?

I don’t envy university administrators right now (full disclosure: my partner is a dean at Harvard). There are so many pressures and so many different perspectives on the conflict. I think universities should do what they do best: provide a place for dialogue. It is depressing how little of that happens right now, but things are changing a bit. What is so difficult is that both sides see the conflict as a zero-sum game: whatever hurts the other side is good for me. They don’t acknowledge the suffering on the other side. I find it very moving, for example, how many Jewish students participate in the pro-Palestinian protests and vigorously critique Israel. I wish there were a similarly vigorous critique of Hamas, or at least some of its actions, among the pro-Palestinian protesters.

To what extent do you believe American university professors and lecturers may be hesitant to express their views on Israeli actions due to concerns about potential job consequences?

 It’s always difficult to measure self-censorship. My own impression is that there are many colleagues who have signed pro-Palestinian letters or weighed in on the conflict on social media. There are also many deans who are sympathetic to the Palestinian cause. But a very heated climate can spill over into a stifling of free speech.

Do you think the recent student protests at American universities have the potential to influence Washington's foreign policy in West Asia in the future? If so, how?

Throughout the last year, I have felt it odd that pro-Palestinian protests should focus on universities, especially since American universities are much more hospitable to the pro-Palestinian cause than any other American institution. Also, universities are best at teaching history and complexity and different perspectives, not at political advocacy. That’s not what they are designed to do. So, my own hope is that protests will be more effective, and more impact-oriented in the future. This means being more vigilant about anti-Semitism among the protesters; being more vigorous in a critique of Hamas or at least some of its actions, both past and present; and aiming protests at the political process, at political parties, at the government, not at universities. Then, only then will protesters have a chance of actually changing the conduct of the government.