West Africa: Between neocolonialism and geopolitical competition
Over the past decades, West African countries have been boldly expressing their dissatisfaction with their relations with former colonial states, with whom they have had deep cooperation in the political, economic and military fields since the colonial period.
In particular, countries in the region have been reviewing their relations with Western countries such as France. And the United States, which claimed to have left it alone in the fight against terrorism and extremism, and sometimes even added more problems to these threats.
The bridges between France and Africa have been cut, especially under the administration of Emmanuel Macron, who said that he abandoned the “Françafrique” policy and aimed to establish equal and fair relations with continental countries, because Macron, whose actions differed from his speeches, continued French intervention in Africa, It continued to exploit the economies of the former colonies on the continent with new colonial practices, and did not achieve the expected success in the security field. African countries that must combat greater threats day after day began to search for new partners to combat security threats and strengthen political and economic structures. This allowed for an increase in the influence of major and middle powers such as China, the United States, Russia, Japan, India, Brazil and Turkey in Africa. The fact that these actors compete with each other while trying to increase their effectiveness on the continent has had both positive and negative consequences for the continental countries.
Competition results
Increased competition among international actors in Africa has led to a complex set of positive and negative outcomes. On the positive side, increased foreign investment and aid have often led to infrastructure development, economic growth, and job creation in many African countries. Many international organizations, including non-governmental organizations, have played a critical role in addressing humanitarian crises, promoting health care, and supporting education initiatives. In addition, the influx of foreign capital has facilitated technology transfer and knowledge exchange, contributing to advances in the agriculture, healthcare, and renewable energy sectors.
However, intense competition has also led to negative consequences, through which resource conflicts and geopolitical rivalries have exacerbated existing tensions within African countries, leading to instability and violence in some regions. The influence of external actors in shaping national policies can sometimes undermine local governance structures and hinder the ability of African states to make sovereign decisions that best serve their populations. Furthermore, economic competition can create dependencies and debt burdens, as some countries may struggle to repay loans or face challenges in negotiating favorable terms. Balancing the positive and negative impacts of international competition in Africa remains a critical challenge to ensure sustainable development and protect the autonomy of African countries.
On the other hand, it can be said that some competing actors in Africa come to the fore from time to time. In previous years, we argued that continental countries were under the heavy influence of competition between the United States and China. However, during the era of Donald Trump, the Washington administration's foreign policy focused on the Asia-Pacific region. On the other hand, many African leaders expressed their dissatisfaction with China. Because China has not fulfilled its obligations under its agreements with these countries, it has also caused economic hardship due to the “debt trap.” Although China remains the continent's largest trading partner, it is no longer a player with which the continent's countries seek to develop relations with great enthusiasm.
After the relative calm that prevailed in the competition between Washington and Beijing in Africa, the winds of competition between Paris and Moscow began to blow on African countries. These winds turned into a storm in a very short time. As is known, after Russia's invasion of Crimea in 2014, it was subjected to major sanctions by the international community, especially Western parties, and became virtually isolated on the global scene. Moscow has tried to strengthen its relations with African countries to escape this unity, strengthen its increasingly deteriorating economy, and gain material and political support in its war against Ukraine. The Moscow government has done this by developing cooperation, especially in the military field, with African countries suffering from acute security issues such as terrorism, civil wars, and coups. As mentioned, these African countries (especially the former French-speaking colonies in West Africa) suffered from their cooperation with France in the security field, especially young people who demanded that their countries get rid of French influence and develop new areas of cooperation. Thus, Russian influence began to rise in light of the power vacuum created by France, which was gradually losing its power in West Africa. The old French colonial structures and political elites that had common interests with Paris were eliminated through successive military coups.
The new military junta administrations that came to power in these countries established close relations with Russia. On the other hand, France has expressed its dissatisfaction with the growing Russian influence at every opportunity, which has sometimes led to anti-Moscow propaganda in the region leading to military coups in these countries. Which led to major political and economic sanctions on the military junta regimes. Arguing that there was influence of foreign powers behind these decisions, the ASS junta leaders claimed in their statement that ECOWAS had moved away from the ideologies of the founding fathers of Pan-Africanism, which served the interests of foreign powers.
What to do?
It is the increasing role of separatist groups, and the political tension between ECOWAS and AS. Among the security threats in that region is the increasing acts of intense violence, terrorists and criminal organizations. For example, according to the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project report, from 2020, when members of the military junta came to power in Mali, until mid-2023, violence in the country has increased almost three-fold. In the first half of 2023, 16 terrorist attacks occurred within 150 kilometers of the capital, Bamako. In the north, the Tuaregs again began armed conflicts against the Malian army. There are similar developments in Burkina Faso. At the beginning of August, 20 people, most of them traders, were killed by terrorists near the Togolese border. As NGOs have documented, the toll of terrorist attacks is enormous. According to available information, the number of victims reached more than 16 thousand dead, including civilians, soldiers, and police officers. In addition to this tragedy, the crisis has displaced more than two million people within their countries, making it one of the most dangerous examples of “internal displacement” in Africa.
In addition, major political and economic sanctions were imposed on the junta regimes, under the pretext of the influence of foreign powers and the ideologies of the founding fathers of Pan-Africanism behind those decisions.
These foreign interventions may make it difficult for countries in the region to strengthen their sovereignty and manage their security, due to this competitive environment, which is also felt between ECOWAS and ASSS and may also reveal various security threats to the entire African continent and make the international community more concerned about the possible effects of regional instability.
Ornella Sukkar is a Lebanese journalist specializing in international relations and oriental studies.